Federal ban on wiretapping and electronic interception of oral communications
All the President's MenThe Federal ban on wiretapping and electronic interception of oral communications was cited among the legal grounds for the Watergate indictments. The book presents it as a concrete part of the charges against the alleged burglars, while emphasizing that the indictments did not resolve the larger questions about the purpose and sponsorship of the espionage. That distinction—between prosecuting the act of interception and establishing who stood behind it—made the statute part of a broader dispute over the reach of the investigation.
The Prohibition and the Indictments
On September 15, the grand jury indicted E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, and the five men arrested on June 17. Each faced as many as eight counts, involving conspiracy, burglary, and the federal statute prohibiting electronic interception of oral communications. The statute thus appeared within a defined set of criminal allegations tied to the break-in and bugging; the account does not describe its text, penalties, or a separate legal challenge to its application.
The Washington Post stressed what the indictments left untouched: the central questions of why the espionage had been undertaken and who had sponsored it. The Attorney General described the investigation as intensive and wide-ranging, but the indictment did not mention the Mexican checks, Kenneth Dahlberg’s check, or Maurice Stans’s slush fund—financial clues the paper had been examining. Reporters and editors therefore questioned how an investigation said to possess the same information could produce charges so limited. The statute addressed one element of the alleged conduct, but its invocation did not by itself connect that conduct to its political sponsors.
Bugging as a Public and Political Charge
The dispute over the bugging widened beyond the criminal counts. After the break-in, the Democratic Party chairman filed a $1 million civil damages suit against the Committee for the Re-election of the President, citing the possible involvement of Charles Colson. He argued that the known facts pointed toward the White House and asked how many other attempts there might have been and who had been involved. The suit was an allegation, not a finding that the White House had ordered the operation, but it made the question of sponsorship publicly prominent.
As reporting connected the Watergate operation to Dwight Chapin and Donald Segretti, the White House turned its response toward The Washington Post, although Time had also developed damaging information. The attack on the paper became a contest over credibility: across the country, newspapers reported the administration’s anger, and its decision to challenge the Post gave the paper’s allegations greater currency. The legal prohibition remained one bounded part of the case, while public argument increasingly concerned the political network surrounding the alleged surveillance.
Limits of the Charges and Their Aftermath
The account distinguishes the indictment’s legal scope from the wider inquiry into the break-in. The seven men were charged with conspiracy, burglary, and violations involving electronic interception; the charging document, as reported, did not settle who had arranged or sponsored the espionage. The statute’s presence in the indictment therefore marked a prosecutable category of conduct without answering the larger institutional question raised by the evidence.
In his April 30 address, Richard Nixon said that efforts had been made to conceal facts from the public and from him, accepted responsibility as the person at the top, and credited the grand jury, prosecutors, Judge John Sirica, and a vigorous free press with bringing facts to light. The next day, press secretary Ronald Ziegler apologized to The Washington Post and to Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein for his earlier criticism of their Watergate reporting, acknowledging that the White House had been wrong. These statements did not alter the statute or specify its application, but they formed part of the reversal in the administration’s public posture as the investigation and reporting continued.